1. The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914, Christopher Clark.
2. Eric Margolis explains, “The problem is that too many cooks in Washington are spoiling its Mideast soup. In his magnificent new book, The Sleepwalkers, Prof. Christopher Clark of Cambridge describes how World War I was in part ignited by small numbers of anti-German officials in France, Russia, Serbia and Britain who often undermined their own government’s moderate policies.”
3. Here is an interesting review of the Huns, a.k.a. Germans, of WWI.
4. America Goes to War, Charles Callan Tansill.
5. The Illusion of Victory: America in World War I, Thomas Fleming.
6. Here is a review of Flemming’s book by David Gordon.
7. Tolkien and the Great War: The Threshold of Middle-earth, John Garth.
8. War by Timetable: How the First World War Began, A J P Taylor, 2013.
9. The Great War: Western Front and Home Front, Hunt Tooley, 2016.
The 1930 movie, All Quiet on the Western Front, may serve as one of the better anti-war movies of all time.
10. A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order, F. William Engdahl, 2012.
11. Hidden History: The Secret Origins of the First World War, Gerry Docherty and Jim MacGregor, 2014.
12. Prolonging the Agony: How the Anglo-American Establishment Deliberately Extended WWI by Three-and-a-Half Years, Gerry Docherty and Jim MacGregor, 2018.
13. Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, Carroll Quigley, 1966.
14. The Anglo-American Establishment, Carroll Quigley, 1981.
15. World War I and the American Constitution (Cambridge Studies on the American Constitution), William G. Ross, 2017.
16. The Illusion of Victory: Americans in World War I, Thomas Flemming, 2003.
17. The Promise of Greatness: The War of 1914-1918, George Andrew Panichas, 1968.
18. The Origins of World War I Volume I, Sidney Bradshaw Fay, 2010.
19. The Politics of Hunger: The Allied Blockade of Germany, 1915-1919, C. Paul Vincent, 1986.
20. The Versailles Settlement: Peacemaking After the First World War, 1919-1923, Alan Sharp, 1991.
21. The Origins of the First World War, Great Power Rivalry and German War Aims, H.W. Koch, 1984. “War Guilt 1914 Reconsidered: A Balance of New Research” is a chapter in Koch’s book written by Karl Dietrich Erdmann.
Germany didn’t start WWI; the British did. Germany was the only country standing in their way of the British elite [Cecil Rhodes, Milner, and others] creating a new world order. Here is the complete and full transcript of the interview.
Hidden History: The Secret Origins of the First World War
Prolonging the Agony: How the Anglo-American Establishment Prolonged the War for Two-and-One-Half Years.
It’s like a judge hearing two different briefs.
First Lie: Germany is responsible for WWI.
Truth: The British started it.
Inspiration came from Carol Quigley . . . books on WWI and WWII. Anglo-American Establishment, 1949.
10 years later, Tragedy and Hope.
Clinton gave tribute to Quigley. Also, he was a Rhodes Scholar. The plan was to bring Americans to Oxford.
Quote from Tragedy and Hope on an influential group:
There does exist and has existed an anglophile network, roundtable, and has no aversion to cooperating with the communists; they, in fact, do work with them.
Quigley had no aversions to its goals or aims but to some of its beliefs. It wishes to remain unknown. How do you get a world war over the assassination of Archduke of Ferdinand?
1870, John Ruskin at Oxford: Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner created a group that started the Boer War against the Dutch farmers in South Africa. Their farmland happened to control the world’s best supply of gold and diamonds. Country of Rhodesia is named for Cecil Rhodes. So is the Rhodes Scholar. Rhodes made Milner the executor of his 7th will, and that’s when he created the Rhodes Scholarships, 1902. Ruskin thought that the British Empire was the greatest political organization that had ever been in the world, created by the most intelligent, wealthy people and that needed to be expanded into reclaiming America into the Anglo-American establishment or secret elite.
Both books contain a diagram of who exactly these people are. It shows you an inner circle of about 7 people. Wow. Tragedy and Hope, this group had a terrible effect on the 20th century by causing WWI and WWII. Wars are not natural events. They’re man=made. The way to end wars is to learn of these mistakes. The sources they went to were phenomenal, all over the world. Rothschild was a member and financed many wars. Control the academia, politics, and international finance. JP Morgan and Rockefellers became members. For getting into WWI, they needed America and needed a central bank. they went secretly to Jekyll Island and created the federal reserve. First, the bill was opposed by President Taft. They had to get rid of Taft, so they promoted Teddy Roosevelt. Colonel House went to promote Woodrow Wilson to New Jersey Governorship who wanted to create the federal reserve and get America into the war.
Here’s their plan: the only way they could create a new world order with English speaking hierarchy in control was to get rid of Germany. Germany had progressed to the point economically and other ways to even surpass the British Empire in some ways and was a real threat to their idea of English speaking Anglo-Saxon world government. So they planned this war. And they knew that they had to get Russia and France, their land armies, to squeeze Germany, and there was a lot of behind-the-scenes talking to Russia and France back as early as 1904 about the war. None of this was known to Parliament all secretly done. So they promised the Russians that if they get into this war, they would get Constantinople. And get your war port and get into the Mediterranean. When in reality they never intended Russia to be successful with that. And they promised Alsace Lorraine to the French [that the French lost in the Franco-Prussian War].
England is more of an Atlantic state than a European one.
They were waiting for a spark to fan the flames to get Germany into war. There was an incident in Morroco that looked promising but the Germans didn’t take the bait. But the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand, they took that spark by putting in representatives inside the Austrian gov’t and in Serbia to make sure that they did not settle that incident. The demand that Austria made was we want to come into Serbians and make our own investigation, and the Serbians were instructed not to agree to that. And the Kaiser had indicated to the Austrians that he would support them. And then when he saw how bad it was getting, he tried to talk them out of the conditions, and Austria then declares war.
Edward VII, related to the Russian Czar, he was considered a ne’er do well by Victoria and she had him on a very strict allowance. But he was traveling, going around on pleasure trips. But Lord Rothschild created an unlimited expense account for him. And he would talk to heads of government. The Russians were convinced that they needed to mobilize and go to war. So then the Treaty with France brought France in. So Russia and France mobilized before Germany did anything. Germany had to act to protect itself. So that’s how they got WWI started, using the Archduke as the spark, but they had all these other plans to get the war going.
The Holocaust, the gulags, the Cold War and a death toll exceeding 61,911,000 can all be laid at Wilson’s doorstep, contends this sophomoric work in isolationist historiography. Powell, a Cato Institute fellow and author of FDR’s Folly, argues that Wilson’s intervention in WWI enabled the Allies to defeat Germany and impose a punitive peace settlement that made Germans bitter and anti-democratic, facilitated Hitler’s rise, etc. Extending—indeed, almost parodying—Niall Ferguson’s contrarian arguments from The Pity of War, he insists that a victorious German Empire would have subsided under its own weight, with Hitler and Stalin remaining unknown malcontents. Powell rehashes his arguments at inordinate length to associate Wilson’s policies with subsequent Nazi and Soviet atrocities. When not flaying Wilson, Powell rides Cato’s hobbyhorse of libertarian doctrine, sprinkling his chronicle of totalitarian horrors with prim sermons on free trade and laissez-faire economics; the Bolsheviks are thus scolded for their opposition to “consumers freely voting with their money, deciding which quantities, qualities, brands, styles, colors, prices, and so on that they preferred.” Powell scores some points criticizing the flimsiness of Wilson’s pretexts for intervention. But in using the unforeseen consequences of Wilson’s actions as a brief for isolationism, he ends up blaming the 20th-century timeline on one man. The result is a tendentious and heavy-handed distortion of history. (Apr.)
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